' Palatalisierung als Lautwandel ------------------------------ 1. Especially voiceless consonants before high front vowels 2. Also voiced consonants, but less likely to be completed Typological ++++++++++++++++++++ voiced affricates are less frequent in languages of the world than voiceless affricates (ratio 1:3; Maddieson 1984: 38-39) 3. Velar softening k -> tS OE cele [k] -> chill but cold [k] OE cirice [k] -> church tS but kirk in Scots Gk Gymnasion [g] -> gymnasium [dʒ] Latin cena -> cena [tSena] regia (palace) -> regia [reddʒa] West Germanic *kasjus (source also of Old Saxon kasi, Old High German chasi, German Käse, Middle Dutch case, Dutch kaas), from Latin caseus =============================================== Auditive faktoren Everyday speech --------------- dIdZju Bernd kommtSamorgen secondary palatal articulation in a palatal- izing context,t ->tj ⁄ k -> tS, t-> tS/ full palatalization Typology ----------- palatalized rhotics uncommon In terms of place, full palatalization is generally restricted to coro- nal and dorsal consonants in a language While in some languages labial consonants appear to undergo full palatalization (e.g. in Tswana, a Bantu language spoken in Botswana, ⁄p⁄ changes to [äw] in passive verbs, Cole 1955; see Bhat 1978 and Ohala 1978), this is very rare rule telescoping, for example,k ->tS via intermediary k -> kj, kj-> tS Ohala 1985 Ohala1993 Ohala 1983a 1997c Plauche et al 1997 Diachronic -------------- 1. /t􏰴􏰧ʃ / actual, nature, mature, picture /d􏰧􏱙ʒ/ or /dj/ residual, soldier, remedial NB cheese, Käse; k -> tS OE cele [k] -> chill but cold [k] OE cirice [k] -> church tS but kirk in Scots Gk Gymnasion [g] -> gymnasium [dʒ] Latin cena -> cena [tSena] regia (palace) -> regia [reddʒa] Japanese /t, d/ > [tɕ􏰧􏵵, d􏰧􏵶ʑ]/__ /i/; /t, d/ >[t􏰧s, d􏰧z]/__/u/ (=[􏵷]) /tii/ -> tɕii chii (social status) /di/ -> d􏰧􏵶ʑiɽemma (dilemma) katu -> kats (win) tja -> tɕa (tea) voicing +++++++++++ .g., soldier, medial, individual, the /dj/ > /d􏰧􏱙/ change has not lexicalised as often, and these words may be pronounced either [dj] or [d􏰧􏱙]. Similarly, in German the sequence /tj/ developed into [t􏰧s] whereas /dj/ did not affricate (e.g., nation [na't􏰧sjo:n] vs indianisch [􏰿n'dja:n􏰿􏰴] ‘indian’) Synchronic ----------- tjusday, tune, got you Brazilian Portuguese /di/ gə̃nʤi internet = internɛtʃi Dialect variatino: /tj/ tieni, Venetian: tSeN Synchronic velar softening Standard Italian: chiama [kjama], but [tSama] in Paduan Typology Physiological and peceptual ---------------------------- Chang, Plauché and Ohala (2001) present evidence that if the characteristic mid-frequency spectral peak of the burst in [ki] is degraded (and consequently perceptually missed), an alveolar sequence [ti] is reported by listeners, in line with confusion studies (e.g., Winitz, Scheib and Reeds 1972). Moreover, the [ki] tokens with the mid-frequency peak filtered out received better /t􏰧􏰴/ goodness scores than unfiltered tokens Since variation of the acoustic cues of the stop burst influenced the direction of the consonant confusion –and paralleled the direction of the sound change– they argue that acoustic-auditory factors underlie ‘velar fronting’ (see also Ohala 1985, 1993). See Ohala (1983a, 1997c) and Plauché, Delogu & Ohala (1997) for asymmetries in the direction of confusion patterns and sound change, i.e., ki > ti but not the reverse. Typological ++++++++++++++++++++ voiced affricates are less frequent in languages of the world than voiceless affricates (ratio 1:3; Maddieson 1984: 38-39) The first law is that palatalization before more back vowels asymmetrically implies palatalization before more front vowels. For example, if a language palatalizes velars before the back vowel [ɑ] ([kɑ] → [t􏱜ʃa] and [􏱝ɑ] → [d􏱞ɑ]), then it is also expected to palatalize 􏲻 velars before the front vowels [i] and [e] ([ki] → [t􏱜ʃi], [􏱝i] → [d􏱞i] , etc.), but not necessarily vice versa. Similarly, palatalization before mid [e] implies palatalization before high [i] (recall that [i] is phonetically more front than [e]), but not vice versa The second law is that palatalization of voiced velars asymmetrically implies palatalization of voiceless velars. In other words, if palatalization applies to voiced [􏱝] in a given vowel con- text, then it is also expected to apply to voiceless [k] in the same context, but not necessarily vice versa. . A related finding is that, in the lexicons of many languages, velar stops cooccur with front vowels, and in particular [i], less often than would be expected by change (Maddieson & Precoda, 1992).